The Cavalry During The Civil War Essay Example For Students

The Cavalry During The Civil War Essay The Civil War played a crucial role in American history. Many different types of soldiers fought in this war, such as Cavalry soldiers, who fought on horseback. The Cavalry played a strong role in the fighting and used many different weapons and tactics. One type of Cavalry weapon was the revolver. Only one hand was needed in the firing of this type of weapon. This was very important since the soldiers other hand was used to manage the horse. The Colt was the most popular brand of revolvers during the war. The Army and the Navy were the two main models. The Army model was the most popular of the Union Army. It was a six shot, .44 caliber revolver that weighed two pounds. We will write a custom essay on The Cavalry During The Civil War specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now This weapon accounted for 40% of all handguns bought by the Union Ordinance Department (Weapons of the Civil War 2). The Navy model was very similar to the Army. It had a round barrel instead of an octagonal barrel and held .36 caliber cartridges. 38,000 were produced during The Civil War and 15,000 of those were produced within the Confederacy (Weapons of the Civil War 2).The most famous foreign pistol of the war was The Le Mat, produced by Dr. Le Mat in France. It was unique in that it had two barrels, like a small shotgun. The upper barrel shot .40 caliber rounds while the lower barrel shot .63 caliber rounds. Starr was the third largest producer of revolvers. Starr was known for its six shot double action revolver that weighed three pounds and was used mainly by the Union soldiers. It was very convenient because it held combustible cartridges and could also be fired by the old ball and powder method. Since Colt had a patent on its firing procedure Starr was forced into coming up with its own. To fire this pistol a soldier would pull the trigger, which unlocks then rotates a hammer that then snaps back and fires the cartridge. Another company was Savage, which produced the well-known Figure of Eight which had a very odd shape. 11000 were bought by The Union (Commager 284). After its trigger was pulled the cylinder would be cranked forward to make a gas tight joint with the barrel prior to its firing. The next most popular to The Colt was The Remington. Popularity is not everything though, some experts believe the Remington was better mechanically. Remington made two models, an Army and a Navy. The Army was .44 calibers while the Navy was . 36. 125,000 were bought total in the Union (Commager 283). That amount was only limited by the amount actually produced.The next type of weapon used was the Carbine Rifle. These rifles were made for mounted troops, like the Cavalry. These guns had short barrels for easy handling. They were also made to be able to be loaded on a moving horse. In addition, they held moisture proof cartridges that were much better than paper. One brand was Spencer. This company sold their carbines to the Union and rarely was found in the South. This companys cartridges were especially good because they were built in primer and became more durable and waterproof. Spencers rifle could also be a rapid-fire weapon. The best soldiers could shoot fourteen rounds per minute (Weapons of the Civil War 6).Another popular brand was Sharps. 80,000 were produced during the war. This gun had a unique shot process. Before the trigger was pulled a block was lowered and a paper cartridge was released into a chamber. When the block closed the paper was slit exposing the gunpowder. Then, when the trigger was pulled, it would snap back into a percussion cap, which produced a flame that passed into a vent and struck the exposed powder.The last type of weapon used by a Cavalry soldier was a saber. .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d , .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .postImageUrl , .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d , .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:hover , .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:visited , .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:active { border:0!important; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:active , .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u231f882227c16f99342799f212d2b76d:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Adolf Hitler and WWII Essay This was a type of sword, deadly in the hands of a trained soldier. In the early years of the war many soldiers were untrained though and many horses of untrained masters lost ears. These sabers had either a 42-inch or 36 inch blade. Out of 250,000 total people wounded in Union hospitals approximately 922 were due to saber wounds (Boatner 260). This weapon did become useless in the later years of the war due to modern rapid-fire weapons. The cavalry had many uses in the war. One use was observing and reporting information about the enemy. This was a job given to the cavalry because they could get back and forth the quickest because of the horses speed. Another job was screening the movements of their own force so that the enemy could not see what they were doing. Also, they always remained a constant threat to the opposing Armys rear. Other jobs were striking suddenly at detected weak points and turning exposed flanks. The last job was pursuing and demoralizing a defeated enemy. The Civil War Cavalry used many different weapons and tactics. The Cavalry was the most expensive branch, but the importance of it overrode any costs. These mounted soldiers played a strong role in the warfare of their day and helped both the North and the South to win battles.

Measuring Quality of Life Based on Geography

Measuring Quality of Life Based on Geography Perhaps the most important aspect of living that we sometimes take for granted is the quality of life that we receive by living and working where we do. For instance, the ability for you to peruse these words through the use of a computer is something that might be censored in some Middle Eastern countries and China. Even our capability to walk safely down a street is something that some countries (and even some cities in the United States) may lack. Identifying areas with the highest quality of life offers an important view of cities and ​countries while providing information for those hoping to relocate. Measuring  Quality of Life By Geography One way of looking at a places quality of life is by the amount of output it produces each year. This is especially handy in the case of a country considering many countries have varying degrees of production, differing resources, and distinctive conflicts and problems within them. The major way of measuring a countrys output per year is by looking at the countrys gross domestic product, or GDP. The GDP is the amount of goods and services produced within a country annually and is typically a good indication of the amount of money flowing in and out of the country. When we divide a countrys total GDP by its total population, we get GDP per capita which reflects what each individual of that country takes home (on average) per year. The idea is that the more money we have the better off we are. Top 5 Countries with the Largest GDPs The following are the top five countries with the largest GDPs in 2010 according to the World Bank: 1) United States: $14,582,400,000,0002) China: $5,878,629,000,0003) Japan: $5,497,813,000,0004) Germany: $3,309,669,000,0005) France: $2,560,002,000,000 Countries with Highest-Ranked GDP Per Capita The five highest-ranked countries in terms of GDP per capita in 2010 according to the World Bank: 1) Monaco: $186,1752) Liechtenstein: $134,3923) Luxembourg: $108,7474) Norway: $84,8805) Switzerland: $67,236 It seems that small developed countries are ranked the highest in terms of per capita income. This is a good indicator to see what the average salary is of a country but can be a bit misleading since these small countries are also some of the richest and, therefore, must be the most well off. Since this indicator can be a bit distorted due to the population size, there exist other factors which further inform quality of life. Human Poverty Index Another metric for looking at how well-off a countrys people are is to take into consideration the Human Poverty Index (HPI) of the country. The HPI for developing countries represents quality of life by formulating the probability of not surviving to age 40, the adult literacy rate, and the average amount of the countrys population who have little to no access to clean drinking water. While the outlook for this metric is seemingly dismal, it does provide important clues as to what countries are better off. There is a second HPI that is used mostly for those countries that are considered developed. The United States, Sweden, and Japan are good examples. The aspects that are formulated for this HPI are the probability of not surviving to age 60, the number of adults lacking functional literacy skills, the percentage of ​the  population with income below the poverty line, and the rate of unemployment lasting longer than 12 months. Other Measures and Indicators of Quality of Life A well-known survey that attracts a lot of international attention is the Mercer Quality of Living Survey. The annual list places New York City with a baseline score of 100 to act as the median for all other cities to compare with. The rankings consider many different aspects from cleanliness and safety to culture and infrastructure. The list is a very valuable resource for ambitious companies looking to set up an office internationally, and also for employers to decide on how much to pay at certain offices. Recently, Mercer began to factor in environmental friendliness into their equation for cities with the highest qualities of life as a means of better qualifying what makes a great city. There exist a few unusual indicators for measuring quality of life as well. For example, the king of Bhutan in the 1970s (Jigme Singye Wangchuck) decided to overhaul the Bhutanese economy by having each member of the country strive for happiness as opposed to money. He felt that GDP was rarely a good indicator of happiness as the indicator fails to take into account environmental and ecological improvements and their effects, yet includes defense expenditures that rarely benefit a countrys happiness. He developed an indicator called Gross National Happiness (GNH), which is somewhat difficult to measure. For instance, while GDP is an easy tally of goods and services sold within a country, GNH doesnt have much for quantitative measures. However, scholars have tried their best to make some sort of quantitative measurement and have found a countrys GNH to be a function of the well-being of a human in economic, environmental, political, social, workplace, physical, and mental terms. These terms, when aggregated and analyzed, can define how happy a nation is. There are also a number of other ways to quantify ones quality of life. A second alternative is the genuine progress indicator (GPI) which is similar to GDP but instead looks to see if a countrys growth has actually made people better off in that nation. For instance, if the financial costs of crimes, environmental degradation, and natural resource losses are higher than the financial gains made through production, then the countrys growth is uneconomic. One statistician who has created a way to analyze trends in data and growth is the Swedish academic Hans Rosling. His creation, Gapminder Foundation, has compiled plenty of useful data for the public to access, and even a visualizer, which allows for a user to look at trends over time. It is a great tool for anyone interested in growth or health statistics.

Health effects of air pollution Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Health effects of air pollution - Essay Example Inhalation of air pollutants causes distress to the respiratory system, which lead to development of chronic respiratory infections, and aggravation of ailments affecting the system. The air pollutants cause respiratory problems in various ways including blocking the air pathways after being deposited in the lungs, irritation and inflammation of the respiratory tract resulting to production of mucus and coughing. These effects increase the vulnerability of the affected person to developing infections of the respiratory system. Numerous medical research studies on the effect of air pollution on children indicate that their health is more prone to the emissions than adults are (WHO, 2005). Polluted air causes adverse effects to the growth and development of both unborn and born children. Several factors contribute to the increased vulnerability of children’s health to air pollution. These include the continuing growth and development process of the lungs, incomplete metabolic systems and undeveloped immune systems that makes them susceptible to respiratory infections (WHO, 2005). These factors could lead to higher exposure of the children to air pollutants and increase the toxicity of the substances once they enter into the respiratory system. According to WHO (2005, p18) the effectiveness of the detoxification system in children improves with time, during prenatal and postnatal period. Hence, children at prenatal stage are most susceptible to air pollution because the lungs and the respiratory syste m are at critical stage of growth and development. When the developing lungs are exposed to air pollution, their optimal functional ability reduces and the abnormality continues to adulthood, causing reduced functional reserve of the lungs (WHO, 2005). Reduced functional reserve in adulthood increases the vulnerability of infections due to ageing and exposure to other pollutants, such as smoking and work related exposures (WHO, 2005,

Identify components of a typical contract Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Identify components of a typical contract - Essay Example Contract law is set on the principle which states that agreements between individuals must be reserved. Literally, it stands for maintaining a set of agreements (Ewan, 2005). In order to take either side of the two parties present in this scenario, it is necessary to understand a significant element of a contract as stated in many jurisdictions. The most significant element of a contract states that if one party sets a bid for an arrangement, then another party has to accept the accord. This can be referred to as an arrangement of meeting of the minds or wills of diverse sides (Ewan, 2005). The final accord is contested by the parties involved. The winner of the contest has the final say in the accord. The observable doubt is that a law court cannot interpret the minds of the parties involved. This leads to the contract being judged without bias, with only limited space for questioning the contract’s intention. There ought to be confirmation that the parties had both, from an objective view, engaged in a conduct that made clear their agreement. The confirmation should lead to a contract being created if the sides have arrived at such a state. An objective view means that it is only essential that an individual gives the sense of accepting or offering contractual conditions. This condition should be in view of a realistic individual, who in reality looks to create a legible contract (Barnett, 2003). Jud Wheeler bought the 10 acre piece of land from Krause Company at an agreed price that the two parties settled. The Krause Company later came to the understanding that it had sold its land at a low value which it thought that the buyer, Jud Wheeler, had enticed them to sell. The agreements of the two parties go with the element of a contract that states if one party sets a bid for an arrangement, then the other party has to accept the accord. Jud Wheeler came up

Critical Thinking Week 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Critical Thinking Week 2 - Essay Example Nothing is accepted on face value and every aspect of a communication, whether oral or written, is questioned to clearly identify the issues, stated conclusions, arguments, evidence in support and assumptions/omissions/fallacies. This should lead to the right conclusions and right decisions. Clear thinking is all about ‘the ability to engage in reflective and independent thinking’ (Anon., n.d., philosophy.hku.hk). According to Study Guides, clear thinking involves ‘placing the facts and information in a pattern †¦ and †¦ accepting or rejecting the source values and conclusions†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ (Anon., n.d., studygs.net). In the following paragraphs, a memo from the Director of Human Resources, Federated State Employees Union (FSEU), Local 343 to its President, in response to the proposal of the Governor of the state of Illinois for economizing the budgeted personnel cost of the department of transportation (DoT) through outsourcing its information systems m anagement, is analyzed applying the critical thinking process through its various steps (Browne and Keeley, 2007). Analysis Step 1: Issue and conclusion The memo lays down the union’s opposition to privatization of jobs as a means to curtail costs, dilates on the perils of the proposed action on union and its members, and attempts to justify the opposition on multiple grounds. The prescriptive issue conveyed is: Should the Governor’s proposal to cut costs by eliminating certain jobs by resorting to privatization be allowed to be implemented? The conclusion is: It is not only a bad idea but also bad in law, and is in effect an attempt to control the union. Step 2: Reasons offered FSEU is questioning the rationale of eliminating jobs through outsourcing, which opens up the possibility of permanent unemployment of the concerned union members. Since outsourcing would potentially invite foreign agents with their unfair advantage of low-wage workers, the proposal is seen as anti-American and as a forerunner for similar attempts in other departments too. Further, it would lead to reduced wages as a result of competition from foreign workers. Dispersal to other departments and potential wage reduction are attempts by the management to gain control over the union. Displaced workers, if at all they get new postings, would need to learn new skills and to cope with new environs, in spite of their age, experience and merit. It is contended that employee reduction/displacement through privatization runs contrary to the Pendleton Act of 1883. Step 3: Ambiguity in reasoning The Wikipedia reference to the relevance of Pendleton Act of 1883 is tenuous and not specific. Words and phrases like ‘instability, most likely, similar, attempt to drive out old experienced workers’ are ambiguous in context and not supported by reason or evidence. Step 4: Value assumptions/conflicts The major value assumed in the memo is the union’s right to protect the i nterests of its members and for citizens at large, both on the present issue and for future. Further, it is argued that yielding by the union on the issue would weaken its position for future negotiations with the management. At the same time, the assumed threat for the union members is sought to be used to garner votes

Lyndon Johnsons Vietnam War Strategy

Lyndon Johnsons Vietnam War Strategy LYNDON JOHNSON’S PEACE INITIATIVES DURING THE VIETNAM WAR â€Å"What did the Johnson administration hope to achieve from diplomatic efforts to resolve the Vietnam War between 1965 and 1968 and with what success?† Introduction: Lyndon Johnson had become highly besieged in the pursuit of his Vietnam policy. Most historical arguments centre round his inept handling of the situation, in which he escalated the bombing offensives and then tempered them down making a mess of the peace moves, which were never done with any serious intent. The core of the historical criticism of the president is that he allowed himself to be blindly guided by inappropriate advice from Robert McNamara, and caused avoidable loss to American lives. Obsessed with the idea of keeping the armed forces subordinate to the presidency, the Johnson administration gave instructions that were out of sync with the happenings on the battlefield. This paper takes a look at these developments, while listing in some detail the peace moves he tried to make, and how they came a cropper. It finally looks at the reasons for their failures, and tries to point out who could be held responsible for the fracas. Limitations of this paper Since this paper is about a highly narrowed down topic, a background to the war and its developments is not made; this paper is limited to discussing its defined purview, and hence these details and the persons involved in the war are taken as given. Need for negotiations In order to understand with what objectives the president initiated negotiations, it is necessary to understand the situation that forced him to make these moves. With a series of ill-conceived actions, the president had crossed the Rubicon over Vietnam. Well into the middle of his term, it was a thorn in the flesh from which there seemed no reprieve for the beleaguered president, even as enormous pressure mounted at home to end the war. As aptly summed up, â€Å"Vietnam was a stalemate producing irreconcilable domestic divisions and a nightmare†¦from which Johnson could not awake.† (Dallek, 1998, p. 443) From the sunny days of his presidential campaigning of 1964, when less than a third of the population saw Vietnam as the most pressing problem the nation faced to a near doubling of this figure by the winter of 1965-66, the decline in support for the president’s policies on Vietnam was rapid. (Dallek, 2004, p. 251) His gauche at handling the press was also another factor for this situation, with the result that Vietnam soon became, in the perception of the American public, â€Å"President Johnson’s war†. (Liebovich, 1998, p. 45) Egged on by his Defense Secretary, Robert McNamara, Johnson had given the war efforts no respite; he was firmly convinced that all it needed were a few more bombings and a few successful fights to end the war. He could not have been more off the target; while the president’s men assessed that the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese regular armies could be subdued, the latter resorted to guerrilla tactics, from scattered and well-spread positions. The result was calamitous –by 1967, nearly half a million Americans had been sent to Vietnam, of whom the total casualties were in the region of 100,000, among whom no less than a seventh had lost their lives. (Liebovich, 1998, p. 44) Although the Government of South Vietnam, (GVN), whose fragile nature had for so long worried the US, had coalesced, with the Cao Ky coup by the beginning of 1966, the Johnson administration was in a bind about the policy it had to pursue, because astronomical sums were going down the drain. An April 1966 intra-governmental policy review had not seen any major reason for hope. The views of the presidential staff differed sharply from those of the men on the battlefield. Air strikes, on which the administration had pinned its highest hopes to achieve a breakthrough in the war, had come to a virtual naught, and were becoming a colossal waste of resources. One of the prime air strike programmes, ROLLING THUNDER, in the assessment the Institute of Defense Analysis made in the summer of 1966 had â€Å"had no measurable direct effect†. This was after the air strikes on the highly strategic and vulnerable areas of Petroleum, Oil and Lubricants, (POL) of the Democratic Republic of Nor th Vietnam (DRV). (Gelb Betts, 1979, pp. 146-148) At this point, the lack of effectiveness of the bombing strategy was also severely compounded by the exorbitant cost of carrying out these operations, which according to the CIA, cost almost ten times as much as the gains they brought. Having dropped as much as 643,000 tons of bombs on North Vietnam, the cost of this on the US exchequer was $ 9.60 for every dollar’s worth of damage they inflicted on the DRV with only half the fighter bombers having the capability of surviving the year-long stint as pilots. (Wiest, 2003, p. 27) This terrible cost of escalation was also reflecting on the economy, taking it on an inflationary spiral, and threatening to neutralise its post-war gains. (Isserman Kazin, 2000, p. 224) Gold prices were becoming very volatile, and all these contributed to completely undermine his ‘Great Society’ programme, on which he had come to power, (Reiter Stam, 2002, p. 121) and whose central theme was economic growth accompanied by poverty reduction. (Brown-Collier, 1998) In addition, another extremely important factor was threatening to bring the president on his knees –sustained antiwar movement, that had been inspired by the success of the Civil Rights movement. On the field, the highhandedness of the American forces had only succeeded in making the South support the North, and the infiltration of men and other supplies from the North. Through the Ho Chi Minh Trail, an estimated 90,000 men infiltrated to the South between 1965 and 1967. The Americanisation of South Vietnam was a total disaster. (Best, Hanhimà ¤ki, Maiolo Schulze, 2004, pp. 296) It was in the wake of these major drawbacks associated with continued bombing that the president was forced to mellow his position. By December 1966, the administration was convinced that since there was no way by which they could win the war, at least by election time, the only road that lay ahead was negotiation, (Dallek , 1998, p. 444) since this was the only way by which he could reverse these conditions. However, as the next section illustrates, he was no better at these negotiations, either. Johnson’s objectives, the negotiations and reasons for their failure These debacles were to reflect heavily on the president personally; by December 1966, the realisation had clearly and irrevocably dawned on the administration that unless the Americans ended the war at the earliest, it would reflect badly on the nation’s elections of 1968. At this stage, there was no alternative to negotiation, if the president was to have the slightest chance of re-election. From the high perch at which the president was seated, the only non-negotiable point at the discussions now became a separate state within South Vietnam (SVN), and a non- communist government for the president. (Dallek, 1998, p. 443) The first concrete steps towards negotiation were taken furtively, in 1966. At this point, the US was still very imperious, even though it was the one that initiated the negotiation. It made a blanket, unconditional demand –that the DRV stop infiltration into the south for bombing to stop. The first of these steps, known as bombing pauses, was hardly f ruitful. Taking off from here, the Johnson administration made a clearer move towards negotiation at the Manila Conference in the Declaration of Peace in 1966. The aim of the administration, which was to negotiate from a position of strength, offered the condition that the US would withdraw from South Vietnam within six months of Hanoi withdrawing the last of its troops from there. However, the DRV too was equally determined to bargain from a position of strength. The result was that the Johnson administration was seen to be keen on making peace, but within the administration, the same problem of the mismatch in thinking between the executive and the armed forces remained, (Gelb Betts, 1979, p. 151) because the president, in whose mind the famous spat between Harry Truman and Gen. Douglas McArthur during the Korean War had been weighing heavily, decided that the best way to avoid a repeat of such a situation now was to keep the military under the firm control of the presidency. Unf ortunately, he was ham-handed in doing this, ending up in only isolating the military and creating a terrible disharmony between the two. (Jacobsen, 1996, p. 216) Accordingly, after the raids of December 13 and 14, the president ordered a Christmas ceasefire, and extended it up to January 1 as a goodwill gesture. The main objective for Johnson at this stage was securing the territorial integrity of the north and south of Vietnam, or all Vietnam, should its people choose reunification. His objective was also clearly aimed at silencing his critics at home, of whom there was no dearth. He sought to make these moves towards negotiations to silence the doves in the Congress, who kept insisting on negotiations, and the American public, who were becoming war-weary. (Dallek, 1998, pp. 443-448) The quick progress Eugene McCarthy made at the Hampshire primaries jolted the president about his sagging popularity. Drawing from McCarthy’s success, Robert Kennedy, too decided to challenge t he president. (Isserman Kazin, 2000, p. 224) Internally, the most urgent need for him was to use the Vietnam War as a means to finish off his political rivals at home, chief among whom was Robert Kennedy. â€Å"For all his hope and brave talk about progress in the fighting, he still feared that the war would destroy him politically and open the way to a successful Kennedy bid for the presidency.† (Dallek, 1998, p. 448) There was also another factor –a change in US attitudes towards China, following the perception of Chinese expansion being the cornerstone of a Vietnam policy getting significantly reduced around the middle of 1966. (Parker, 1989, p. 142) Johnson hoped that he could hold his people together while using the armed forces and air strikes to force the Hanoi government to buckle just in time to give him a great fillip for the 1968 elections. Internationally, too, he was keen to be seen as a man who was interested in peace, accepting British and Russian offers to mediate, albeit reluctantly. He followed these up with another ceasefire for February 6-13. (Dallek, 1998, p. 446) Peace moves Operation Marigold was the name given to the Johnson administration’s attempt to make peace with Hanoi through indirect means, by which intermediaries in the form of emissaries of neutral countries were sent to develop channels of communication. It first started when the Polish member of the International Control Commission, Janusz Lewandowski apprised the Italian ambassador in Saigon, Giovanni d’ Orlandi and then the US ambassador to South Vietnam, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., about Ho Chi Minh’s mind. The North Vietnamese leader was surprisingly amiable to US propositions. He suggested that if the Americans suspended bombing, he was more than willing to talk with them; an even greater surprise was that he was not going to insist that a socialist regime be established in the South, would not meddle in the affairs of the southern government, and that he was willing to consider a â€Å"reasonable calendar† for American withdrawal. Yet, in typical hubris, the John son administration threw away an easy way out of the conflict that had presented itself on a platter. The reason? Washington’s perceived untrustworthiness of the neutrality of communist Poland. Such a baffling, completely unfounded assumption destroyed a great chance for peace. A glaring example of the complete lack of coordination between the presidential and military staff, the basic reason for which bombing had not stopped earlier, showed itself up in December 1966. While the US ambassador in Poland, John Gronouski, was making preparations for a highly sensitive meeting with Polish officials, out of the blue, the US dropped bombs on sensitive targets in Hanoi heavily on December 2 and 3. This completely set the clock back on whatever little progress the Poles were making towards negotiating with the DRV, which centred round the issue of bombing. To this, the unrepentant administration offered the flimsiest of reasons for which the air strikes could not go ahead as planned on November 10 – bad weather! Further, even the planned attacks on December 13 and 14 went ahead as scheduled, giving the Marigold initiative a quick burial. Analysts are of the opinion that even after the bombings of December 2 and 3, there was hope for some salvage, but that the Johnson administration, which had in the first place created the truce move, killed it with its own hands. The simple reason for this was the total lack of sincerity on the part of the Johnson administration about going ahead with the bombing pauses. After briefly halting its bombings in mid-December, the US once again insisted that Hanoi reciprocate unequivocally. It read wrongly the situation on the ground in Hanoi in mid-late January 1967. With the DRV Foreign Minister, Ngoyen Duy Trinh’s tough words on January 28, demanding that the US stop its bombings immediately, the official obituary to the Marigold initiative came to be written. (Gelb Betts, 1979, pp. 152, 153) The fate of another such mission, Operation Sunflower, was no different; having been declared on February 6, 1967, the first reaction it drew was a strong letter from Ho Chi Minh, who warned the president that â€Å"the people of Viet Nam are determined not to surrender under the threats of bombing†. (Brigham, 1998, p. 143) This phase offered a six-day bombing pause in February 1967. Even while the Americans were again strict on the condition of reciprocity from North Vietnam, that of stopping infiltration, the administration gathered evidence that the North Vietnamese were taking advantage and were supplying arms to the South, forcing Washington to drop the plan. Another initiative was the San Antonio formula of September-December 1967. This, too, did not offer anything new or different; it reiterated American willingness to stop bombing and talk, if the North met its obligation of supplying arms to the South. North Vietnam, predictably, dismissed the offer. There were other initiatives for negotiation, too, between October 1966 and February 1968. Starting with moves initiated on the occasion of the funeral of Indian Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, other steps, clearly half-hearted, were taken. These, in addition to neutral moves by eminent persons and the Glassboro summit, were given high sounding codenames such as Packers, Aspen, Ohio and Pennsylvania. (Gelb Betts, 1979, p. 163) Another prominent attempt of a peace mission was that of the Italian cleric, Giorgio La Pira in 1965. To his desperate pleas to end the war, all that the Johnson administration made was this indifferent reaction: State Department Executive Secretary Benjamin Read commented to presidential advisor, Walt Rostow thus: â€Å"[La Piras] telegram is another in a voluminous series of peace messages. In view of La Piras well-known position on Vietnam and other issues, it is recommended no reply be made.† (Miller, 1999, p. 143) The net result of these peace overtures was a near zero. All these gave rise to the Tet offensive. (Gelb Betts, 1979, p. 165) This was the event that signalled what a morass the US had got into. On the night of January 31, 1968, some troops owing their allegiance to the North Vietnamese leader attacked the American embassy of Saigon. Although the Americans put it down in no time, the event opened the floodgates to the seemingly never-ending nature of the war, showing up the complete lack of understanding of the war of the American soldiers, who went on the rampage, committing acts of unheard of savagery. (Isserman Kazin, 2000, p. 223) Thus, while peace was being sought, the actions of the administration took the two sides anywhere but there. Conclusion While fixing the blame for the failures of the negotiations processes, students of history need to see the situation in the backdrop of the Cold War era. In retrospect, in the age of extremely fierce rivalry between the two superpowers played out through their allies, perhaps some of the blame can be mitigated from Johnson when he refused to trust the Polish, a staunch communist country. To be fair, he was only reciprocating an attitude of great mutual distrust of the Cold War protagonists. (Vandiver, 1997, p. 156) However, it needs to be said that on this particular, extremely important occasion, he was allowing the history of their relationship to cloud his judgement, when there appeared no motive on the part of the Polish other than to bring about a ceasefire during Operation Marigold. The bottom line of the historic criticisms against Johnson relates to his oscillation between escalation and negotiation, the total disconnect between the executive and the armed forces, and the catastrophic consequences these produced. Offensives continued even as Operation Marigold was on; later, two months into the Tet offensive, there were no concrete results, by when the president had made up his mind not to run for the 1968 elections. This decision made no great difference: the purpose for which the bombing operations took place, forcing North Vietnam to end its support for Vietcong, was not served. The bombings of ROLLING THUNDER were in no way deterring a regrouping of the North Vietnamese guerrilla fighters, who still possessed all the strength to defeat the South Vietnamese Army. (Jacobsen, 1996, p. 216) Taking an overall view of the escalation and the failure of the peace negotiations, it is difficult to point an accusatory finger at anyone other than the president. The decision to escalate the offensive was entirely his and McNamara’s. In dealing with the situation, the president had thoroughly misread the situation, and had kept insisting to the American public that the war was all but won. At no stage of the war did the president behave in a manner befitting his office. In what was to be the ultimate show of lack of conviction in the peace moves, the man he appointed to oversee the peace negotiation, Averell Harriman, was never invited to the Tuesday Lunches briefings, where updates about the situation used to be made! Moreover, the Johnson administration regarded bombings as its biggest bargaining chip, a basis upon which all its negotiations were to proceed. A lack of coordination and understanding between these two vital organs was one of the prime reasons for the failu re of whichever peace missions the president undertook. (Gelb Betts, 1979, p. 151) Neither his offensives, nor the peace moves he made later when left with no other choice was done in the right spirit. As a result, the president’s handling of the Vietnam War was to dwarf the stature of one of America’s tallest presidents. References Best, A., Hanhimà ¤ki, J. M., Maiolo, J. A., Schulze, K. E., (2004), International History of the Twentieth Century, Routledge, London. Brigham, R. K., (1998), Guerrilla Diplomacy: The NLFs Foreign Relations and the Viet Nam War, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY. Brown-Collier, E. K., (1998), Johnsons Great Society: Its Legacy in the 1990s. Review of Social Economy, Vol. 56, No.3, p. 259+. Retrieved May 13, 2006, from Questia database. Dallek, R., (1998), Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961-1973, Oxford University Press, New York. Dallek, R., (2004), Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President, Oxford University Press, New York. Gelb, L. H., Betts, R. K., (1979), The Irony of Vietnam: The System Worked, Brookings Institution, Washington, DC. Isserman, M., Kazin, M., (2000), America Divided The Civil War of the 1960s, Oxford University Press, New York. Jacobsen, M., (1996), 13 President Johnson and the Decision To Curtail Rolling Thunder. In The Tet Offensive, Gilbert, M. J. Head, W. (Eds.) (pp. 215-227), Praeger, Westport, CT. Liebovich, L. W., (1998), The Press and the Modern Presidency: Myths and Mindsets from Kennedy to Clinton, Praeger Publishers, Westport, CT. Miller, J. E., (1999), 5 Ambivalent about America: Giorgio la Pira and the Catholic Left in Italy from NATO Ratification to the Vietnam War. In The United States and the European Alliance Since 1945 /, Burk, K. Stokes, M. (Eds.) (pp. 127-144), Berg, New York. Parker, F. C., (1989), Vietnam: Strategy for a Stalemate (1st ed.), Paragon Press, New York. Reiter, D., Stam, A. C., (2002), Democracies at War, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Vandiver, F. E., (1997), Shadows of Vietnam: Lyndon Johnsons Wars (1st ed.), Texas AM University Press, College Station, TX. Wiest, A., (2003), The Vietnam War, 1956-1975, Routledge, New York.

Ancher Public Trading Essay -- Business Management Memo Essays

Ancher Public Trading TO:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Board of Directors FROM:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Learning Team A consultants DATE:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  August 22, 2005 SUBJECT:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Sarbanes-Oxley recommendations As consultants for Ancher Public Trading (APT), Learning Team A would like to discuss the implications of the Sarbanes-Oxley (SOX) legislation. This memorandum provides a brief history of SOX ¡Ã‚ ¦s creation, explains the relationship amongst the FASB, SEC and PCAOB, describes the pros and cons of SOX, assesses the impacts of SOX, and lists ethical considerations of SOX. History of SOX - the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 is legislation in response to the high profile financial scandals, such as seen with Enron and WorldCom. The purpose of this act is to protect shareholders and the general public from accounting errors and fraudulent business practices. The Sarbanes-Oxley Act introduced stringent new rules to protect investors by improving the accuracy and reliability of corporate disclosures made pursuant to the securities laws. Sarbanes-Oxley is not a set of business practices and does not specify how a business should store records; rather, Sarbanes-Oxley defines which records are to be stored and for how long. A.) The relationship among the FASB, SEC and PCAOB „ «Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  SOX is administered by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). The SEC sets deadlines for compliance and publishes rules on requirements. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is the department to which all publicly-traded companies, effective since 2004, are required to submit annual reports of the effectiveness of their internal accounting controls. The SEC has broad authority over all aspects of the securities industry. This includes the power to register, regulate, and oversee brokerage firms, transfer agents, and clearing agencies. Along with them, is the FASB. „ «Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB), is a professional standards board created by accountants to establish Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP), which are the accounting standards used by accountants in the U.S. The GAAP reporting method makes it possible for investors and regulatory authorities to accurately determine an organization's financial results. „ «Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB) was created to oversee the activities of the auditing profession. Specifically to oversee t... ... Line56 ,Retrieved August 17, 2001. Retrieved on 8/19/2005, from http://ww.line56.com/articles. Hein, M. (2002). The Sarbanes Oxley act of 2002 effects sweeping changes to the U.S. federal securities laws. Retrieved on August 21, 2005, from www. www.gtlaw.com. Hyatt, J. (2005). Birth of the ethics industry. Business Ethics Online, The magazine of corporate responsibility. Retrieved on 8/19/2005, from www.business-ethics.com. Johnson, C. (2005). Pros and cons of accounting rules weighed Sarbanes Oxley - more   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  audits, accountability. San Francisco Chronicle on the Web. Retrieved August 17,   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  2001, from gin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2005/05/05/BUGJBE3DQ71.html. Leporte, G. (2007). Chief of the office of small business policy at the U.S. sSecurities and Exchange Commission. Retrieved on August 17th, 2005, from http://accounting.smartpros.com . Linsley, C. (2003). Auditing, risk management and a post Sarbanes-Oxley world. Review of Business. Solomon, Deborah. (March, 2005) Accounting Rule Exposes Problems But Draws Complaints About Costs. Wall Street Journal. Wallace, S. (2005). Only the ethical need apply. The Christian Science Monitor. March 30, 2005 edition.